The Truth Behind the “War on Terrorism”:
An Inter-Imperialist War
Marxism provided the clue which enables us to discover the laws governing this seeming labyrinth and chaos, namely, the theory of the class struggle.
Lenin, Karl Marx
I. The Weapon to Dispel Confusion
US state and its propaganda organs continue to generate enormous confusion
about current world developments and the so-called “war on terror.” American
workers cannot make sense out of what is really happening because they are not
armed with the science necessary to understand the political reality and to
reject the myth-making and misinformation spread by the bourgeois politicians,
ideologues, and journalists. They also lack the class outlook based on the
science to take a democratic stand towards
science is Marxism-Leninism, perennially forbidden in the American education
system and viciously banned from the nation’s public discourse. Whatever the American
working class knows about the science comes from the calumnies heaped upon it
by monopoly capitalism’s propaganda machine and its mouthpieces on the “right”
or from the caricatures perpetrated by fraudsters and their pawns on the
“left.” The neo-fascist state and its agents constantly patrol the parameters
of the larger political spectrum. They permit a “diversity” of organizations and
voices from ultra-reactionary to ultra-“revolutionary” while at the same time forming a cordon
sanitaire against any that would carry the proletariat’s revolutionary politics
into the people’s ranks. This operation is integral to the strategy of imaging
II. Class Structure and Contradictions
Marxism-Leninism and its laws, especially those of the class struggle shed light on the “seeming labyrinth and chaos” of both national and world developments. They provide American workers the knowledge, outlook, and class stand necessary to defend their interests in solidarity with the interests of the international proletariat.
Two major classes: the working class and the bourgeoisie have been at the center of the political stage for over 150 years. Since the turn of the last century the monopoly capitalists, who own and control the key sectors of industry and finance have gradually assumed absolute economic and political power over and above the capitalist class in general. The financial oligarchy comprises representatives of factions and affiliated circles of big capital, forming the social class base of imperialism and subjugating the most important levers of the state to serve its interests. This state monopoly capitalism manifests itself in a variety of reactionary dictatorships from pseudo-democratic to ultra-fascist, all functioning as organs to oppress and exploit the working class, which constantly struggles to liberate itself from wage slavery(1).
While the contradictions between the working class and the bourgeoisie constitute the motor force of historical development, there are other social and class contradictions endemic to modern capitalism. One of special importance is that between the capitalists and primarily between the imperialist themselves. Scientific analysis shows that the most acute contradictions in the world today are those between the most powerful and predatory imperialist states.
III. The Matrix of Inter-Imperialist Contradictions
At the matrix of these contradictions lies the fundamental economic law of modern capitalism formulated by Stalin: the maximization of profits (Economic Problems of Socialism in the U.S.S.R: “The Basic Economic Laws of Modern Capitalism and Socialism”).
To secure maximum
profits, monopoly capitalism not only engages in the most ruthless exploitation
of its “own” working class, but also pursues an endless drive for foreign markets
to export capital and goods and for plundering the cheapest sources of raw materials. The
contradictions between monopoly capitalist groups and between monopoly capitalists
from different countries over world markets, etc. express themselves on the
international plane as inter-imperialist struggles and rivalries. Today these
rivalries are sharpest among
the imperialist camp has been unable to sustain a balance or equilibrium for very long.
Imperialists are never satisfied with the distribution of spheres of influence
because they are bound to pursue maximum profits at the expense of the other. The
division of the world is determined by the respective strengths of each
grouping or country. Consequently, when the “bi-polar” order came unraveled, the
equilibrium was not only upset by the intensified conflicts between the two
super-powers. Other big imperialist states, notably
IV. The Scramble for a New Re-division of the World
So even before, but especially after the
breakup of the Soviet bloc, there has been a constant maneuvering by the big
imperialist states to re-divide the world. However, the neo-fascist propaganda
machines camouflage these dirty wars of conquest with demagogy and false
slogans. For example, during most of the years of the so-called “Cold War”
With the “evil
empire” gone from the scene, this no longer worked. Different external enemies
had to be found. The
V. Failure of the Anglo-American Bloc: Its Response
These aims were
not realized, however.
financial oligarchy found these defeats intolerable. During the 90s The
Project for the New American Century, or PNAC, was
formulated. As the “sole superpower” with unchallengeable military might, the
main platform of this “project” was to expand the
War is the extreme response of capitalism in crisis and decay when it is immersed in irreconcilable inter-imperialist contradictions. Nevertheless, it has been unleashed repeatedly in regional theaters as well as on a world scale over the last century in vain attempts to resolve them. However, imperialism must resort to another extreme to both wage war and to resolve the other major contradiction of modern capitalism, that between itself and the working class. Fascism arrives on the scene, sharply exposing that imperialism itself is the embodiment of the most ferocious extremism.
Fascism in the
The PNAC laid
the groundwork and plan for an even more open and reactionary form of fascism, turning decidely toward militarism. This plan was
fully implemented after the “9/11 attacks,” which conveniently gave the
It is no accident that the calls for “endless war,” and unrestrained aggression through the “pre-emptive strike,” were two notorious planks in the German and Italian fascist platforms of the last century. This frankly fascist foreign policy, though still shamelessly proclaimed “democratic,” necessitated increased repressive measures to secure the “homeland” (another striking parallel to the Nazis, who used the term Heimat or native land to evoke a mystical and crazed chauvinism among the German people).
A quiet home front and a population supportive of wars of conquest are not that easy to achieve with such huge contradictions between the interests of the oppressor and oppressed. After the election of 2000, in which the Bush-Cheney junta was installed by legal chicanery, American workers, having had there labor and living standards degraded for decades, were disgusted and disillusioned with the government. “Intelligence” determined they did not possess the right psychology to back new adventures of U.S. imperialism, but the "9/11 attacks" produced a traumatic national crisis for the junta to instill a war psychosis in the population, stifle opposition to its policies, and provide a pretext for open aggression.
There is little doubt that these "attacks,” designed from the Nazi Reichstag fire template, were an elaborate black ops that gave the U.S. the carte blanche for launching pre-emptive strikes against any country the U.S. considered “terrorist,” namely against any country where the U.S. wanted to extend its imperialist tentacles. This "new Pearl Harbor," also handed the junta a perfect justification to further curtail any rights that might be of use to the working class to resist the fascist dictatorship. For example, the Patriot Acts pave the way for a more draconian police state than has existed since the start of the “Cold War.” When the government claims that these measures are necessary for the “security of the American people,” it really means for the security of the monopoly capitalists. To be sure, these acts simply and directly illustrate the Marxist-Leninist thesis that the state is nothing other than political power in the hands of one class to facilitate its class struggle against other classes. The latest variety of the U.S. fascist state has expanded its political power into new mechanisms of suppression, terror, and manipulation to subjugate the entire population to the dictate of the financial oligarchy.
episode of American history figures as a new low for the
VI. The Real “War on Terror”
surprisingly, the countries
assessment of these developments shows unequivocally that the
VII. Who are the “Terrorists”?
Contrary to the
“official truth” coming out of Washington and its state controlled media, not
only is the
Throughout the world, the imperialist states and ruling circles that are in contention sponsor terrorist and reactionary groups of every stripe (nationalist, religious, tribal, etc.) as proxies to defend their respective interests in reactionary civil wars, where entire countries are turned into madhouses of butchery and destruction.
Terrorism and terrorist organizations have nothing in common with genuine democratic or liberation movements. They are creatures of contemporary fascist-imperialism. Behind the operations of religious extremists, separatists, and death squads, whether they occur in the Middle East, the Balkans, Central Asia, Central and South America, or on the streets of New York, Madrid, and London, lies the hand of the intelligence services and black-ops of the big imperialists. They are tools of reaction in the class struggle. Each big power or power bloc uses them against rivals in the on-going inter-imperialist war for re-division of the world. At the same time, fascism unleashes them against the genuine democratic and revolutionary forces in monopoly capitalism’s continuous class struggle against the working class and people. In other words, terror and terrorism are integral tactics of fascism and war in this particular phase of the new imperialist conflict.
VIII. The Proletarian Internationalist Stand towards War and Fascism
Such, in broad strokes, is the analysis of Marxism-Leninism on this issue based on its theory of classes and class struggle. Scientific Socialists encourage those who are partisan to the cause of the working class to find their way through the labyrinth and chaos of current national and international crises by embracing and applying the Marxist-Leninist science. There is no alternative.
It is encouraging to see genuine progressives and independent thinkers take positive stands and offer accurate views about the imperialist nature of U.S. adventures in Iraq and Afghanistan or effectively expose the fascist tendencies of the junta. Nevertheless, they are unable to see the forest from the trees because their conceptions lack the concrete and logical proletarian revolutionary outlook that provides the coherent truth that we are living under a fascist dictatorship disguised as a democracy and that the U.S. is surrepticiously engaged in an inter-imperialist war with its biggest rivals.
As in the case
of the dismemberment and re-division of
(1) It is decisive to grasp the nature of state monopoly capitalism for understanding the configuration of classes, the class struggle, and fascism in modern capitalism. Despite its length, we quote a passage below from an article entitled "Reality and the Revolution" from the Fall 1994 issue of Scientific Socialist to assist those who seek clarity on this important area of Marxist theory:
"State monopoly capitalism, where the biggest and most powerful organs of the state exclusively serve the financial oligarchy, emerged with the rise of imperialism at the start of the century. In the United States, it expanded rapidly during and after World War I and consolidated itself after World War II. Throughout this process the nature of the state as a machine in the hands of the dominant exploiting class to oppress the masses did not change; however, the class content of this state shifted from capitalist rule to monopoly capitalist rule. Hitherto the state was mainly the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie in general. Now it became mainly the dictatorship of the monopolists in particular. That is, with state monopoly capitalism the bourgeoisie as a whole can and still does utilize various state levers to effect its interests, but control and influence over such levers are strictly determined by the magnitude and power of capital, and precisely for this reason monopoly capitalism predominates to exercise its hegemony over the supreme mechanisms of the state, which in turn dictate to the lower level bodies in the interests of the financial oligarchy. This dictatorship of the oligarchy over the federal, state and even municipal levels becomes more absolute with the growing preponderance of big capital, steadily usurping the shrinking power of the smaller monopolists and non-monopolist bourgeoisie, which are more and more reduced to minion classes economically and politically. What occurs then is a natural evolution of political power going over to the economically dominant section within the capitalist class. But what results is a quite unnatural form of class rule. Lenin broached this phenomenon as early as 1918 when he wrote in his pamphlet, The State and Revolution:
The imperialist war has immensely accelerated and intensified the process of transformation of monopoly capitalism into state-monopoly capitalism. The monstrous oppression of the toiling masses by the state, which is merging more and more with the all-powerful capitalist associations, is becoming ever more more monstrous. The advanced countries are being converted - we speak of here of their 'rear' - into military convict prisons for the workers.
What Lenin is referring to here was shortly later to acquire the name fascism."
In considering the above, it should be added that although the financial oligarchy consolidates its domination over the bourgeois class during capitalism's monopoly stage, the fight to impose a hierarchy within this class begins long before this. Marx makes the following interesting analysis of the June-July 1848 Revolution in France:
After the July Revolution, when the Liberal banker, Laffitte, led his godfather, the Duke of Orleans, in triumph to the Hotel de Ville (Town Hall), he let fall the words: "From now on the bankers will rule." Lafitte had betrayed the secret of the revolution.
It was not the French bourgeoisie that ruled under Louis Philippe, but a fraction of it, bankers, stock exchange kings, railway kings, owners of coal and ironworks and forests, a section of the landed proprietors that rallied round them - the so-called finance aristocracy. It sat on the throne, it dictated laws in the Chambers, it conferred political posts from cabinet portfolios to the tobacco bureau.
Class Struggles in France 1848-1850
(2) Bourgeois ideologues like to speak of the "world's love-hate relationship" with the US, but it is the imperialist sector that has succumbed to this abnormal relationship. The oligarchies of all the big states recognize the valuable role the US plays as the spearhead of international reaction and the most counter-revolutionary force on the planet. How can world imperialism not benefit from this "outstanding model of modern capitalism" - a super-power that crushes the working class movement, banishes democracy, and derails civilization into a swamp of corruption and degeneracy? Nazi Germany was loved by the imperialists too and for precisely for the same reasons. However, selfishness, greed and inter-imperialist contradictions disrupted this affair. America's role too will decline in value as Washington's arrogance and ruthless adventures drive US interests without a consensus from the imperialist camp. Knocking out a big competitor on the world market has its own worth.
(3) Then, of course, was Iraq's plans to sell its oil in Euros rather than dollars and China's schemes to reconstruct the country's devasted oil production facilities. Where would these these moves have left the US? Any plan by the oil monopolists to seize the black gold would have been indefinitely delayed, profits from trading in dollars lost, and the petro-dollar system undermined. Iran is now in the process of devising an alternative system for trading its oil on the world market. Interesting, and most likely the US's real reason for screaming about the need for "regime change" there, not Iran's nuclear power projects.