The world capitalist-imperialist system is in the throes of chaotic decay. Economic dislocations, political instability, ideological degeneration, and cultural derangement have been chronic symptoms of capitalismís general crisis throughout its imperialist stage. But the deepening of this crisis in successive periods since World War I has now given way to the on-going decomposition of capitalist relations. This breakdown of capitalism is the end result of a system driven by the law of maximizing profits, which disorganizes material and intellectual production and trade, and compels the bourgeoisie to wage permanent predatory war against each other and the working class.††
† †††††††††In the resulting economic and social turbulence, the class contradictions between oppressor and oppressed have become permanently exacerbated. Increasingly, the dire circumstances of the working class and people arouse their indignation and will to fight against a system that is reducing them to ever more degraded forms of wage slavery and debt bondage, all of which are enforced by ever more brutal forms of capitalist rule. However, although the objective conditions lend themselves to revolutionary situations, the revolution cannot be effected because the revolutionary class Ė the proletariat Ė is not strong enough.† Consequently, it is not in a position to cleanse the world of capitalismís putrefying body.†
How did such a deplorable situation arise?
Is the working class to blame?
Not at all.
US neo-fascism led world imperialism and its fifth column agencies in a ferocious counter-offensive after World War II that ultimately destroyed Socialism in the Soviet Union, Socialist construction in the New Democracies, and the entire International Communist Movement. During this counter-offensive, which continues to this day, most of the proletariatís vanguard parties as well as their labor unions and allied progressive organizations have either been smashed or integrated into the capitalist state machines.
††††††††††† Ongoing attempts to rebuild or strengthen revolutionary and other advanced units of the working class by Marxist-Leninists from the 60s to the present have been thwarted by reaction. Neo-fascist and social-fascist state powers outlaw proletarian revolutionary politics and genuine democratic activity outright, or attack them surreptitiously with their internal security forces.
In the US, many efforts have been made to reconstruct the Party since the Communist Party was transformed into a counter-revolutionary mechanism of the state in the 50s. Not one has achieved that goal. The rabidly anti-Communist, anti-labor, and anti-democratic policies and propaganda of the neo-fascist regime as well as the ideological confusion and political disruption spread by its hydra-headed fifth column critically undermined and eventually wrecked these efforts.
Today, the American proletariat, like the proletariat of many other countries, is reduced to skirmishes and protests against capitalist exploitation and oppression because it has no vanguard party. The working class, despite its tremendous objective power and revolutionary role cannot wage the class struggle against the bourgeoisie without leadership organization that provides the indispensable subjective factor: Leninist-Stalinist theory and practice.
American Scientific Socialism emerged in the struggle to overcome major weaknesses in the US Marxist-Leninist Movement, most of which stemmed from the movementís backwardness in the field of theory. In this struggle, the need for a scientific program for proletarian revolution was especially emphasized. A Stalinist analysis has shown that the movementís theoretical confusion in general and its failure to produce such a program in particular were caused by the subterranean stateís sabotage. State operatives posing as Marxist-Leninists infiltrated the ranks of the Party reconstruction forces to stop the development of the revolutionary theory and politics necessary to unite the advanced into one genuine vanguard organization and capable of merging Marxism-Leninism with the labor movement. These and other provocateur activities divided the Marxist-Leninist movement and alienated it from the working class.
The importance of program lies in its indispensability for unity of thought and action. Program is the keystone for uniting the vanguard forces into one organization and eventually into one powerful Party that will lead the class struggle of the proletariat. In this way, it figures as an essential element in any serious plan for party reconstruction. The draft program that follows is based on the theory and practice of the international revolutionary proletarian movement originating with Marx and Engels, and developed by the Leninist-Stalinist Bolshevized parties. It adheres to the Leninist model by articulating a theoretical and a practical part, thus arming revolutionaries with both analysis and a specific line of march.
It should be borne in mind that while program provides a cornerstone for any Party reconstruction movement, this program is still only a draft and, one could say, quite a rough draft in certain respects. Its shortcomings are inevitable given the embryonic stage of the Scientific Socialist trend as well as the stateís draconian suppression of the Marxist-Leninist and working class movement.
However, these shortcomings are not insurmountable.
It is up to the capable and devoted vanguard forces to work together to improve the program so that it conforms most fully to the rigorous scientific criteria established by the international movement. At the same time these forces must fight to implement the program† Ė a fight aimed at building and strenghtning revolutionary proletarian unity and organization in the course of advancing the class struggle for New Democracy and Socialism.